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If all you knew about Donald Trump’s presidential campaign came from commentary in the media, you would think it was unfathomable, stunning and unprecedented in American history. Trump, the Boston Globe announced, “is forging a new path in American politics.” A Guardian headline called Trump’s candidacy a “populist, celebrity-driven first.” Salon described Trump as taking “personality politics to a whole new depressing level.”
But, if you look closer at the historical record, Trump is not such a novel phenomenon; in fact, his outsize personality, outsider status, conspicuous wealth, gift for exploiting a hot-button social issue and TV fame have a long and checkered lineage in our national politics. He is following in the steps of such actors turned politicians as Ronald Reagan and Sen. George Murphy, R-Calif.; business executives such as Ross Perot and Meg Whitman, who claim nobody can buy them because they’re so rich; independent and libertarian voices such as Ed Clark, a 1980 presidential candidate, who spoke for other libertarians in his suspicion of Washington and political power; and other voices of protest who style themselves as political outsiders vowing to fix what’s wrong and “make America great again,” to use Trump’s slogan.
In fact, Trump’s rise to prominence is rooted in a legacy of political outsiders promising to break up the concentration of political power in the capital and destroy the corrupt stranglehold of political insiders. Trump’s ascendance, for all its showy in-your-face appeal, is actually less surprising in the context of our post-Watergate, post-Vietnam political culture than Republicans, Democrats and much of the media have acknowledged.
Trump is running on a plan to crack down on illegal immigration and reinterpret the 14th Amendment to ban birthright citizenship. His “make America great again” slogan evokes a mythic past in which the country supposedly didn’t have so many fundamental problems (though the era he’s talking about isn’t all that clear). His campaign is a blend of outsider appeals, attacks on the media and broadsides against politics-as-usual, boosted by his own offbeat brand of brazen showmanship.
Ronald Reagan after announcing his campaign for the Republican nomination for governor of California. (Photo: AP)
He draws on elements of actors turned politicians such as Murphy, who won his seat as a Republican in 1964 by “parlay[ing] public relations, speaking … and other skills he had gathered in Hollywood into a political career,” as the L.A. Times observed. Two years later, Reagan defined himself in his first political campaign as “a citizen-politician,” or, as his adviser Bill Roberts recalled, “Joe Doakes [the ordinary American] running for office.” Trump displays the same theatrical command of the political stage as his Hollywood Republican forebears. He acidly spoofs Jeb Bush by calling him a “low-energy person,” mugs for the cameras in press conferences and dramatic news interviews, and bashes reporters as elitists preventing Americans from seeing the truth about his own greatness and the country’s contemporary political decline.
Unlike Reagan and Murphy and other entertainers turned pols who sought and won elective office, however, Trump has no clear or consistent ideology, no set of larger conservative ideas about government’s role in America’s economy and society. He is more akin to single-issue candidates such as Ross Perot, another eccentric billionaire who made deficit reduction his signature issue on his way to winning 19 percent of the popular vote in the 1992 presidential election. (Like Trump, Perot also wrote a book dispensing life advice for his admirers.) In Trump’s case, though, his issue, immigration, extends and deepens the racism and nativism that has deep roots in our politics. Drawing on strains of venom from the anti-immigrant, anti-Catholic Know-Nothing Party of the 1850s to Strom Thurmond’s segregationist Dixiecrat presidential run of 1948, Trump has built his campaign on exploiting issues of race, identity and status to blame the country’s economic and social woes on immigrants from Latin America. Wittingly or not, he has made illegal immigration the most identifiable crux of his policy agenda, lashing immigrants as rapists and criminals.
Ross Perot laughed, saying “Watch my lips,” after reporters asked about his plans to run for president. (Photo: Richard Drew/AP)
In his 2000 book “The America We Deserve,” Trump “cut to the chase” by saying he was “considering a run for the presidency.” He demurred then. But he hinted at what was to come in this summer of Trump. In those pages, he bashed Al Gore, Bill Bradley (“a disaster”), Pat Buchanan and George W. Bush and likened politics to a “special-interest cesspool.” Trump compared himself to Wendell Willkie, the Indiana utilities executive whom he lauded as an overnight political star with a gift for connecting with ordinary citizens — but who lost the presidency to Franklin Roosevelt in 1940. In his book, Trump also praised Jefferson and Washington for coming “to politics as ordinary citizens” (even though, of course, both founders had been at the center of Colonial and revolutionary politics for decades before they became president), and he asserted that many of America’s great leaders had “come from outside the pool of Washington insiders.”
Fifteen years later, the fruits of his message have yielded a rich bounty for him. His ability to graft nativist appeals onto his anti-media broadsides (another well-trod meme honed by, among others, former Vice President Spiro Agnew), and his TV-fueled, carnival-like showmanship have all enabled him to become a significant, if not wholly unprecedented, force in the presidential campaign. His brand of politics has been fueled by a cultural and media environment that enables him and his followers to broadcast his messages on Twitter and Facebook and in countless television interviews and news conferences instantaneously. Yet Trump, for all his apparent strength in the polls, is such an outsider in Republican Party politics that other than as a media-entertainment phenomenon, his impact is likely to be short-lived. He has damaged the GOP’s brand and sucked some of the air from the Hillary Clinton email story. Yet he has little ideological support within the Republican Party’s leadership, even less support among the general electorate, and has mainly served to divide the country further along lines of ethnicity and race.
For all his flamboyance, this is one media and political drama that we have seen before. If nobody knows how or when it ends, its origins are rooted in the history of American politics. Trump has come to embody the contemporary popular affinity for wealthy nonpoliticians and other voices of protest that blame immigrants, people of color and politicians for the nation’s alleged destruction and claim to be able to fix Washington and restore America’s halcyon days.
Matthew Dallek, an assistant professor at George Washington University’s Graduate School of Political Management, is a co-author of the forthcoming “Losing and Winning: Understanding Elections Through the Eyes of Campaign Managers.”
Latin superstar lays into presidential candidate after journalist from Spanish language TV station is thrown out of press conferenceMartin has issued a scathing rebuke of Donald Trump, whose views he has called “racist, absurd, and above all incoherent and ignorant”.
The Latin superstar took Trump to task in a piece written for the website of the US Spanish language TV station Univision, after one of its senior journalists, Jorge Ramos, was thrown out of a Trump press conference when he repeatedly tried to question the presidential candidate about his immigration policies.
Trump has taken a hard line on immigration, pledging to deport millions of undocumented workers and to get Mexico to pay for him to build a wall along its borders.
The fact that an individual like Donald Trump, a candidate for the presidency of the United States for the Republican party, has the audacity to continue to gratuitously harass the Latin community makes my blood boil.
When did this character assume he could make comments that are racist, absurd, and above all incoherent and ignorant about us Latinos?
From the beginning his intention was transparent: basically tell barbarities and lies to remain relevant in the public opinion, for votes or simply to stay on the media’s radar.”
Martin said Latin people had to show Trump that they deserved to be respected. “Let’s not allow a political hopeful to plant his campaign in insult and humiliation,” he wrote. “Let’s demand respect for those first generations of Latinos who came to the United States and opened a path for us. We have fought for every right that we have today.”
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Another musician, however, has been taking a more sanguine view of Trump. Twisted Sister singer Dee Snider, a former contestant on Trump’s Celebrity Apprentice TV show, said the tycoon had asked permission to use Twister Sister’s song We’re Not Gonna Take It at the end of his rallies, and he had been happy to agree.
“Donald Trump is a good friend and a great guy, and I support him turning the political system on its head. The song We’re Not Gonna Take It is a song about rebellion, and there’s nothing more rebellious than what Donald Trump is doing right now,” Snider told TMZ (via Blabbermouth). “Although [Democratic presidential candidate] Bernie Sanders can use it as well; he’s turning things upside down too.”
Snider said it was possible Twisted Sister would perform the song at a Trump rally, if asked.
copied from the guardian.com
is the donald handing the election to Hillary Clinton....your thoughts.......
Hello music lovers,PLEASE CLICK HERE https://youtu.be/GGBXrt6WOeM
in this video I tried my hands on JAMES BLOOD ULMER's E-tuning - similar to his A-Tuning it is tuned into a power chord.
Once again I am not playing in the style of Ulmer but I am only using the tuning. The song is based on (or in fact is) a Serge Gainsbourg song from 1965.
I hope you have a little fun with this short clip.
Best regards
Framat
Published on Aug 25, 2015
in ENGLISH:
Hello music lovers,
in this video I tried my hands on JAMES BLOOD ULMER's E-tuning - similar to his A-Tuning it is tuned into a power chord. James Blood Ulmer (born 1940 or 1942 in South Carolina) is usual connected with composer and saxophonist Ornette Coleman (1930-2015).
Once again I am not playing in the style of Ulmer but I am only using the tuning. The song is based on (or in fact is) a Serge Gainsbourg song from 1965.
I hope you have a little fun with this short clip.
Best regards
Framat
in DEUTSCH:
Hallo liebe Musikfreunde!
In diesem Video hört ihr die andere Gitarrenstimmung von JAMES BLOOD ULMER: die E-Stimmung. Anfang der 70er Jahre spielte. Im Grunde ist die Gitarre auf einen Powerchord (E5) gestimmt. Ich habe mir mal einen Siegertitel des Chanson de Eurovision für diese für mich neue Stimmung "vorgenommen".
Hoffentlich habt Ihr etwas Spaß beim Zuhören/sehen.
Grüße aus Berlin
Framat
Wow!! Hey Framat, This Sounds So Really Great & Wonderful Awesome Acoustic Guitar Playing On Your "James Blood Ulmer E-Tuning" Here By You, My Best Talented Friend & Blues Bro!! I Loved It Alot, My Blues Bro!! Big Huge Thumbs Up!! Stay Blessed & Have A Great & Wonderful Awesome Blessed Happy Bluesin' Safe Week, Framat, My Best Blues Bro & Great Best Dear Friend!!
* P.S.: Hey Framat, Please Check Out My Newest Guitar Test & Play Vid Upload With The B.C. Rich Mockingbird Guitar On My Universe YouTube Channel Too!! Thanks Alot, My Friend!! - Big Will :)
https://youtu.be/NG3f2tqocwo
copied from the you tube page of 2009 Framat and here is a link to that page:
This is absolutely the cutest picture I have ever seen of Liza Minnelli in my life and I want to say thank you to Liza for that beautiful smile and beautiful doggie.
This is taken from a post in iajournal.com where Liza talked about her Italian roots and winning the Jack Valenti Los Angeles Italia Legend award for 2015.
Seriously, I think Liza might likes dogs..........
trump--rounding people up by race, deporting them, thugs, shutting down journalists...this is scary....... The fact that trump is talking about rounding people up by race and deporting them is a very scary picture....that's all I can think about now when he starts talking.
I am embarrassed for our country that he is running for president and people like him...do people want a police state, or what?
Fortunately, he is handing the election to the very competent Hillary Clinton......that is the ray of shining light in this horrible picture he is painting. The use of thugs and shutting down journalists...perhaps he should take a tip from our very eloquent President Obama as he answered Major with a thoughtful response when questioned about the Iran reporters in prison. How will we know, as the public and voters, what is going on if the reporters are not allowed to ask him questions he does not like.....this is terrible and I am glad he will not win. chloe louise....Hillary girl forever
just want to ask a question......is it the reporter or the editor of the publication or owner of the network who is determining the importance of the story and the direction of the newspaper or show as to what the viewer will see or hear?
Glenn Greenwald is a journalist, constitutional lawyer, and author of four New York Times best-selling books on politics and law. His most recent book, No Place to Hide, is about the U.S. surveillance state and his experiences reporting on the Snowden documents around the world. Prior to his collaboration with Pierre Omidyar, Glenn’s column was featured at TheGuardian and Salon. He was the debut winner, along with Amy Goodman, of the Park Center I.F. Stone Award for Independent Journalism in 2008, and also received the 2010 Online Journalism Award for his investigative work on the abusive detention conditions of Chelsea Manning. For his 2013 NSA reporting, he received the George Polk award for National Security Reporting; the Gannett Foundation award for investigative journalism and the Gannett Foundation watchdog journalism award; the Esso Premio for Excellence in Investigative Reporting in Brazil (he was the first non-Brazilian to win), and the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Pioneer Award. Along with Laura Poitras, Foreign Policy magazine named him one of the top 100 Global Thinkers for 2013. The NSA reporting he led for TheGuardian was awarded the 2014 Pulitzer Prize for public service.
The Republican presidential candidate leading every poll, Donald Trump, recently unveiled his plan to forcibly deport all 11 million human beingsresiding in the U.S. without proper documentation, roughly half of whom have children born in the U.S. (and who are thus American citizens). As George Will noted last week, “Trump’s roundup would be about 94 times larger than the wartime internment of 117,000 persons of Japanese descent.” It would require a massive expansion of the most tyrannical police state powers far beyond their already immense post-9/11 explosion. And that’s to say nothing of the incomparably ugly sentiments which Trump’s advocacy of this plan, far before its implementation, is predictably unleashing.
Jorge Ramos, the influential anchor of Univision and an American immigrant from Mexico, has been denouncing Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric. Yesterday at a Trump press conference in Iowa, Ramos stood and questioned Trump on his immigration views. Trump at first ignored him, then scolded him for speaking without being called on and repeatedly ordered him to “sit down,” then told him: “Go back to Univision.” When Ramos refused to sit down and shut up as ordered, a Trump bodyguard physically removed him from the room. After the press conference concluded, Ramos returned and again questioned Trump about immigration, with the two mostly talking over each other as Ramos asked Trump about the fundamental flaws in his policy. Afterward, Ramos said: “This is personal . . . he’s talking about our parents, our friends, our kids and our babies.”
One might think that in a conflict between a journalist removed from a press conference for asking questions and the politician who had him removed, journalists would side with their fellow journalist. Some are. But many American journalists have seized on the incident to denounce Ramos for the crime of having opinions and even suggesting that he’s not really acting as a journalist at all.
Politico‘s political reporter Marc Caputo unleashed a Twitter rant this morning against Ramos. “This is bias: taking the news personally, explicitly advocating an agenda,” he began. Then: “Trump can and should be pressed on this. Reporters can do this without being activists” and “some reporters still try to approach their stories fairly & decently. & doing so does not prevent good reporting.” Not only didn’t Ramos do journalism, Caputo argued, but he actually ruins journalism: “My issue is his reporting is imbued with take-it-personally bias. . . . we fend off phony bias allegations & Ramos only helps to wrongly justify them. . . .One can ask and report without the bias. I’ve done it for years & will continue 2 do so.”
A Washington Post article about the incident actually equated the two figures, beginning with the headline: “Jorge Ramos is a conflict junkie, just like his latest target: Donald Trump.” The article twice suggested that Ramos’ behavior was something other than journalism, claiming that his advocacy of immigration reform “blurred the line between journalist and activist” and that “by owning the issue of immigration, Ramos has also blurred the line between journalist and activist.” That Ramos was acting more as an “activist” than a “journalist” was a commonly expressed criticism among media elites this morning.
Here we find, yet again, the enforcement of unwritten, very recent, distinctively corporatized rules of supposed “neutrality” and faux objectivity which all Real Journalists must obey, upon pain of being expelled from the profession. A Good Journalist must pretend they have no opinions, feign utter indifference to the outcome of political debates, never take any sides, be utterly devoid of any human connection to or passion for the issues they cover, and most of all, have no role to play whatsoever in opposing even the most extreme injustices.
Thus: you do not call torture “torture” if the U.S. Government falsely denies that it is; you do not say that the chronic shooting of unarmed black citizens by the police is a major problem since not everyone agrees that it is; and you do not object when a major presidential candidate stokes dangerous nativist resentments while demanding mass deportation of millions of people. These are the strictures that have utterly neutered American journalism, drained it of its vitality and core purpose, and ensured that it does little other than serve those who wield the greatest power and have the highest interest in preserving the status quo.
What is more noble for a journalist to do: confront a dangerous, powerful billionaire-demagogue spouting hatemongering nonsense about mass deportation, or sitting by quietly and pretending to have no opinions on any of it and that “both sides” are equally deserving of respect and have equal claims to validity? As Ramos put it simply, in what should not even need to be said: “I’m a reporter. My job is to ask questions. What’s ‘totally out of line’ is to eject a reporter from a press conference for asking questions.”
Indeed, some of the most important and valuable moments in American journalism have come from the nation’s most influential journalists rejecting this cowardly demand that they take no position, from Edward R. Murrow’s brave 1954 denunciation of McCarthyism to Walter Cronkite’s 1968 refusal to treat the U.S. Government’s lies about the Vietnam War as anything other than what they were. Does anyone doubt that today’s neutrality-über-alles journalists would denounce them as “activists” for inappropriately “taking a side”?
As Jack Shafer documented two years ago, crusading and “activist” journalism is centuries old and has a very noble heritage. The notion that journalists must be beacons of opinion-free, passion-devoid, staid, impotent neutrality is an extremely new one, the by-product of the increasing corporatization of American journalism. That’s not hard to understand: one of the supreme values of large corporations is fear of offending anyone, particularly those in power, since that’s bad for business. The way that conflict-avoiding value is infused into the media outlets which these corporations own is to inculcate their journalists that their primary duty is to avoid offending anyone, especially those who wield power, which above all means never taking a clear position about anything, instead just serving as a mindless, uncritical vessel for “both sides,” what NYU Journalism Professor Jay Rosen has dubbed “the view from nowhere.” Whatever else that is, it is most certainly not a universal or long-standing principle of how journalism should be conducted.
The worst aspect of these journalists’ demands for “neutrality” is the conceit that they are actually neutral, that they are themselves not activists. To be lectured about the need for journalistic neutrality by Politico of all places – the ultimate and most loyal servant of the DC political and corporate class – by itself illustrates what a rotten sham this claim is. I set out my argument about this at length in my 2013 exchange with Bill Keller and won’t repeat it all here; suffice to say, all journalism is deeply subjective and serves some group’s interests. All journalists constantly express opinions and present the world in accordance with their deeply subjective biases – and thus constantly serve one agenda or another – whether they honestly admit doing so or dishonestly pretend they don’t.
Ultimately, demands for “neutrality” and “objectivity” are little more than rules designed to shield those with the greatest power from meaningful challenge. As BuzzFeed’s Adam Serwer insightfullyput it this morning “‘Objective’ reporters were openly mocking Trump not that long ago, but Ramos has not reacted to Trump’s poll numbers with appropriate deference . . . . Just a reminder that what is considered objective reporting is intimately tied to power or the perception of power.” Expressing opinions that are in accord with, and which serve the interests of, those who wield the greatest political and economic power is always acceptable for the journalists who most tightly embrace the pretense of “neutrality”; it’s only when an opinion constitutes dissent or when it’s expressed with too little reverence for the most powerful does it cross the line into “activism” and “bias.”
(Ramos’ supposed sin of being what the Post called a “conflict junkie” – something that sounds to be nothing more than a derogatory way of characterizing “adversary journalism” – is even more ridiculous. Please spare me the tripe about how Ramos’ real sin was one of rudeness, that he failed to wait for explicit permission from the Trumpian Strongman to speak. Aside from the absurdity of viewing Victorian-era etiquette as some sort of journalistic virtue, Trump’s vindictive war with Univision made it unlikely he’d call on Ramos, and journalists don’t always need to be “polite” to do their jobs.
Beyond that, whether a reporter must be deferential to a politicians is one of those questions on which people shamelessly switch sides based on which politician is being treated rudely at the moment, as the past liberal protests over the “rudeness” displayed to Obama by conservative journalistsdemonstrate. That Ramos is not One of Them – Joe Scarborough appeared not even to know who Ramos is and suggested he was just seeking “15 minutes of fame,” despite Ramos’ having far greater influence and fame than Scarborough could dream of having – clearly fueled the journalistic resentment that Ramos’ behavior was out of line).
What Ramos did here was pure journalism in its classic and most noble expression: he aggressively confronted a politician wielding a significant amount of power over some pretty horrible things that the politician is doing and saying. As usual when someone commits a real act of journalism aimed at the most powerful in the U.S., those leading the charge against him are other journalists, who so tellingly regard actual journalism as a gauche and irreverent crime against those who wield the greatest power and thus merit the greatest deference.
UPDATE: Caputo, while noting that he disagrees with many of the views in this article, objects to one phrase in particular and sets forth his objectionhere. I quoted and/or linked to all of his referenced statements and am happy to allow readers to decide if that one phrase was accurate. I am quite convinced it was and stand by it.